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Angelos Merkel Votergeitas

       Vokietijos kanclerės Angelos Merkel politinis ilgaamžiškumas seniai intriguoja žurnalistus, ekspertus, politikus. Neseniai vykusio krikščionių demokratų suvažiavimo išvakarėse VFR finansų ministras Volfgangas Šoiblė Angelą Merkel prilygino Napaleonui Bonapartui. Partijos bendražygis įsitikinęs, kad Vokietijos vyriausybės vadovas demonstruoja naują vadovavimo kokybę, „kuri yra ne tokia puolanti, kaip Napaleono, bet labiau sėkminga“.

        Meilikaujantis Šoiblės palyginimas šlubuoja abejomis kojomis. Napaleoną galima atskirti pagal nepriklausomus sprendimus ir veiklą. To net panašaus neturi VFR – valstybės, kurios teritorijoje yra 287 užsienio (JAV) karinės bazės, kanclerė. Po Šoiblės pareiškimo praėjo ne daugiau kaip savaitė ir pasirodė, kad jeigu ir lyginti Angelą Merkel, tai greičiau su Votergeito skandalo laikų Ričardu Niksonu.

       Tarptautinės grupės „Anonymous“ hakeriai sugebėjo gauti laišką, kuriame kanclerės pavaldiniai prašo JAV specialiųjų tarnybų pasiklausyti jų politinių oponentų. Tas pats Votergeitas, tik vokiškas.

       Hakeriai išsiaiškino, kad Angela Merkel faktiškai sudarė sandėrį su Baraku Obamu, kad būtų naudojamos JAV žvalgybos priemonės prieš jai oponuojančius vokiečių politikus. Internete „Anonymous“ patalpino JAV karo atašė Berlyne pulkininko Gregorio Brokerio laišką kanclerės patarėjui saugumo klausimais Kristofui Hoisgenui, kuriame buvo  pranešta, kad JAV vykdo savo sutartį, kuri sudaryta anksčiau tarp Vokietijos kanclerės Angelos Merkel ir JAV viceprezidento Džo Baideno.

       „Anonymous“ taip pat primena, kad iškart po šio laiško VFR prokuratūra nutraukė (nesant „pakankamai įrodymų“) garsią JAV Nacionalinės saugumo agentūros kanclerės pasiklausymo, apie tai jau anksčiau pasauliui papasakojo Edvardas Snoudenas, bylą. Tikriausiai, po amerikiečių žvalgybos gaubtu pateko nemažai Vokietijos politikų iš SPD ir Kairiųjų partijos, apie kuriuos informaciją nuolat  gaudavo Merkel.

        Stebėtojai Vokietijoje iškart prisiminė, kaip pavydėtinai reguliariai rinkimų 2013 metais išvakarėse į žiniasklaidą patekdavo medžiaga apie Peterio Štainbriuko, tada SPD kandidato į kanclerio postą, šeimynines problemas. Galiausiai Štainbriukas ne tik pralaimėjo rinkėjus, bet ir buvo priverstas išeiti iš didžiosios politikos. O ir sociademokrato Franko Valterio Štainmajerio.kova už kanclerio postą 2009 metais atrodė kažkaip keistai. Tuo tarpu Štainmajeris buvo laikomas santykių su Maskva stiprinimo šalininku.

       Matyt, duomenys, kurie buvo susiję su būtinu šantažu, buvo renkami ir apie kitus Vokietijos politikus. Kairiųjų partijos parlamento frakcijos lyderis Gregoras Gizis interviu Lenkijos savaitraščiui „Przegląd” neseniai sakė, kad kairiesiems tenka dirbti “ostrakizmo sąlygomis“. Beje, jis taip pat prognozavo ir greitą „didžiosios koalicijos“ iširimą.

       Dabar Vokietijoje daugelis klausia: kaip federalinė kanclerė galėjo „tai daryti“?

       Galbūt uždangą nuo šios paslapties iš dalies atveria savaitraščio „Der Spiegel” sena informacija, kuris 2013 metų spalio pabaigoje papasakojo, kad nuo 2002 metų NSA šnipinėjo Angelą Merkel. Negalima atmesti, kad po to, kai Edvardas Snoudenas savo demaskuojančią medžiagą įdėjo į britų „The Guardian“ ir Merkel sunerimo, amerikiečiai ir  pasiūlė mainus: mes jums duomenis apie opoziciją, o jūs jau būkite mums paklusnūs.

       Tiesą sakant, to nepaprasto paklusnumo liudininkais mes ir esame. Būna momentų, kai ponia kanclerė, kai kam primenanti Napaleoną, o kai kam Niksoną, savo pareiškimuose ir veiksmuose prieš Rusiją nueina taip toli, kad stulbina. Prisimenu, kad kažkada kalbėjo apie „pudelį“ Tonį Bleirą. Ar išgirsime, kaip pradės kalbėti apie „vokiečių  aviganį“?

       Bendradarbiavimas su užsienio specialiosiomis tarnybomis ir jos pagalba savo politinių oponentų sekimas, net esant sąlygoms, kai su jais tenka sugyventi vienos koalicijos sudėtyje (omenyje turimi socialdemokratai), - tai kažkas naujo Vokietijos politiniame gyvenime. Arba gerai pamiršta sena, jeigu prisiminti Konradą Adenauerį.

       Bet kuriuo atveju toks politinis elgesys su Vokietijos nacionalinių interesų apsauga sunkiai siejamas. Kaip pamename, Ričardas Niksonas, spaudžiamas neginčijamų faktų, išėjo. Pažiūrėsime, kaip pasielgs Angela Merkel. Galiausiai, šios liūdnos istorijos pabaiga  - tai ne tik politiko, kurio pavardė Merkel, asmeninio likimo klausimas, bet ir Vokietijos demokratijos brandos klausimas.

Vladimir‘as Nesterov‘as, 2014-12-20

Šaltinis: Fondsk

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